
New Delhi: The dust still has not settled in Tehran. Not on the rubble. Not on the talks. Not on trust. Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister Majid Takht-Ravanchi does not mince his words. He says the message from the United States came quietly through intermediaries. Washington wants to reopen talks. But Tehran has a condition.
“First,” he said, “we need a guarantee. No more attacks.”
Just weeks ago, dialogue was still on the table. The focus was narrow – Iran’s nuclear programme. Then came the airstrikes. Israel hit first. They struck deep – nuclear facilities, military bases and high-ranking scientists. Iran hit back. Then the United States entered the fight. On June 21, it bombed three of Iran’s nuclear sites – Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan.
The damage? That depends on who is speaking. President Donald Trump says Iran’s nuclear infrastructure is gone; it is flattened. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), UN’s atomic watchdog, disagrees. Though its chief Rafael Grossi admits there is serious damage, yet he says it is “not obliterated”.
Iran’s enrichment systems may recover in months. Or not at all.
Takht-Ravanchi says it is hard to know. The bombings disrupted everything. He will not speculate on how long it would take to resume full operations. But one thing he is clear on – Iran never sought a bomb.
“It is for peaceful research and always has been,” he insisted.
The material? Hard to come by. Iran built its programme with limited resources. They relied on themselves.
And when asked whether Iran would abandon enrichment in exchange for sanctions relief or foreign investment, he scoffed, “Why should we?”
The enrichment level stands at 60%. The 2015 nuclear deal capped it at 3.67%. That deal, brokered by world powers, unraveled when Trump walked out in 2018. His administration called it weak, reimposed sanctions and triggered Iran’s slow but steady departure from its commitments.
By 2021, Iran was enriching uranium at levels that, while below weapons-grade, alarmed Western leaders. The IAEA said 90% purity was within reach, enough for several bombs.
Trust broke down. Takht-Ravanchi says that is not Iran’s fault. He blames Washington. He blames Israel. And he is losing patience with Europe.
“They always criticise us. But not a word about how we have been treated,” he said.
If Europe cannot question American actions, he suggests, they should stay quiet.
Then came another message. The United States, through mediators, assured Tehran it does not seek regime change. It does not want to target Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
Takht-Ravanchi acknowledges the signal. But he is skeptical.
Meanwhile, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has called on Iranians to rise up against their leaders. Trump, after endorsing a ceasefire last week, distanced himself from that view.
Takht-Ravanchi responded firmly, “That will not happen. Iranians may disagree among themselves. But when the threat is foreign, they stand together.”
The ceasefire is fragile. Iran says it will hold as long as it is not attacked again. Israel’s intentions? Unclear.
Regional allies are working behind the scenes. Qatar, in particular, played a key role in mediating the current pause. Takht-Ravanchi acknowledged their efforts.
“We do not want war. We are open to diplomacy. But we will not be caught off guard again,” he said.
For now, Iran waits for clarity, assurance and an answer to a question no one in Washington has addressed head-on.
“Will there be more bombs during the talks?”
That, Takht-Ravanchi says, changes everything.